Group+One+is+Cool

Group One is Cool

 Jane Simmons is an American reporter, who is visiting Haiti for the first time after the earthquake. While in Haiti viewing all the damage and systems set up by government to provide relief to the citizens, she decided to write a paper on how Haiti got to the way it is.

 Jane had previously been employed as a social historian at Ursinus College. Her passion for defending the little guy pushed her into becoming a reporter for the New York Times after quitting her job at Ursinus in 2008. She had previously written three books; The Negro Plight, which examined African American social problems in 1990s; The Life of an American Immigrant, which was a short novel that demonstrated the struggles black immigrants from the Caribbean faced after coming to the US; The Big Bad American, which focused on foreign view of American culture. While working for the New York Times, she got her big break in 2010 when she was presented with the opportunity of traveling to Haiti to document the earthquake.

 (our argument) Jane Simmons-"I will argue that the state of Haiti post-earthquake is due to the lack of political unity in Haiti and failed foreign intervention through aide and sanctions."

There has been a long and hard struggle for the people of Haiti for hundreds of years. This paper will attempt to address the ongoing problems of the country, point out the many failures of the foreign aid, and address the political and social disunity of Haiti. The reader will see how through years of failed foreign interventions, the country has fallen into true economic turmoil. This paper will show how foreign aid has failed Haiti politically, socially, economically, and agriculturally. Something needs to be done to help this country succeed. I believe that this can be done with a non-corrupt, strong government that can lead it's people to a better, more functioning, country.

 When researching Haiti before my visit, I heard it described by Terry Buss as "a nightmare, predator, collapsed failed, failing, parasitic, kleptocratic, phantom, virtual, or pariah state, and under the transition government, an orphan democracy.”(Buss 8) When I first arrived there, I was expecting to see these things right away. But when my plane landed, I saw a beautiful place that made me feel like I was arriving at a vacation hot spot, not like a reporter traveling to an impoverished and weakened country. Not long after arriving in Haiti, I began to observe things that led me to a fuller realization of the current, desperate, position of both the government and people of Haiti.

 To have a better understanding of the ongoing struggle in Haiti before being immersed into society there, I did background research. Doing this allowed me to prepare for what I was going to experience. Haiti was a country born from slavery. Haiti was a French colony until the country gained it's freedom in 1804. Immediately after their freedom, a dictator took over the war ruined and uneducated country. Haiti was, from the start, a country of contrasting poor and wealthy people, and agriculturally destroyed from war. Citizens felt little change from French rule, as the new dictator reinstated plantations and harsh penalties on runaways. This allowed for the abuse of the Haitian people to continue. Foreign governments, before 1865, put an embargo on Haiti. Not only was Haiti isolated internationally, they also had internal confrontations. The blacks and mulattoes of Haiti divided the country. Confrontation with The Dominican Republic, who shared their island, did not allow Haiti much time to build a government and develop themselves as an independent country. Social, political, agricultural, and environmental factors allowed Haiti to fall into a deep depression where most of their people are poor and malnourished. Socially, there is a divide among the people of Haiti. Politically, Haiti has experienced a violent and dictatorial government. Agriculturally, Haiti has little food and an even smaller percent of clean drinking water, and environmentally, Haiti is constantly being attacked by hurricanes and earthquakes. All of these factors allowed Haiti to fall into the intensely impoverishment country it is today.(Library of Congress, Haiti Chapter 6) In short, the state of Haiti post-earthquake is due to the lack of political unity in Haiti and failed foreign intervention through aide and sanctions.

As of today, Haiti is known as the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, even in spite of its recent earthquake. Unfortunately, prior to this incident, Haiti’s government was, and still is, both unstable and lacking structure to help with social and economic relief efforts. In Haiti, there are about 3,000 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) which could be both a good and bad thing (Warah). Non-governmental organizations assist the county to move forward. However, at the same time, too many NGOs can represent the lack of sovereignty a country has over its people (Warah). Haiti also lacks security for its people, not able to provide services to aid in the earthquake relief and health care. In that sense, the country heavily relies on other nations for aid, especially during these times of hardships. Haiti is known for its history of dictators and repressive government since its beginning as an independent nation, which could be one of the causes of Haiti’s poor conditions (Buss 21). The government continues to be corrupt, taking aid from foreign countries that end up in the pockets of elite governmental officials, rather than distributing to the rest of the country.

 The United States has donated over 4 billion dollars to Haiti in the from of monetary donations and goods (Buss 8). Foreign governments have been responsible for training the military and police. Also due to the privatization of many of Haiti public sectors (services run by governmental orginzations) electricity, running water, and telephone services are all provided by private entities, i.e. companies, as supported by the Paris Plan of 1994 (Hallward 69). This plan was created by Foreign governments (US, France, and Canada) in order to maintain proper service of public sectors as they donated 700 million dollars to Haiti in order to aid it in its post militaristic era (Hallward 69). The US has also been responsible for providing most of the health care in Haiti since 1990 through the use of the Red Cross and other health organizations (Carter). The US also donates educational aid to Haiti by providing services that train people to work in political sectors (Judges) and counting ballots in political election. However despite the large out pouring of aid from the US into Haiti (Hallward 71); Haiti has failed to revitalize its economy and change its current political system, which has forced the international community to impose multiple sanction on Haiti over the years.

Sanctions on Haiti by the US and the international community have had one the most disastrous effects on the small impoverished nation. The period in which there were the largest and most widespread coordinated sanctions placed on Haiti was during the 1990s. As Haiti progressed from a Post-Duvalieristic era into a more democratic government, Haiti faced the internal strife of competing groups for economic and political power. One of the main groups that rose during that period was the military that staged a coup in 1991 which lasted for 3 years before being removed from power by US authorities (Hallward, 38). It is this coup which led to the international boycott of Haiti which prevented millions of foreign aid from entering the country. Haiti which had grown dependent to Non-governmental Aid organizations now found itself with only about 1/3 of these groups which caused further decline in Haitian living standards. As most public sectors froze, during that time the international community, mainly the US, pushed for the privatization of public sectors such as the telephone, electricity, cooking oil plants, and the airport. This was meant to insure their continued success, even during times of political strife and turmoil. This plan for privatization was dubbed the Paris Plan, because of the pledge that the international community would give Haiti 700 million in foreign aid if these changes were enacted (Hallward, 40). Although well intentioned, the privatization of public sectors forced 20,000 Haitians out of jobs as the wealthy elite carved off different sectors for their own profit (Hallward, 40). This period marked also the increase in unemployment to above 70 percent and the drop of the Haitian gourde compared to the US dollar by over 20 percent (Hallward, 69)

Democracy was always unsuccessfully established in Haiti, due to its lack of leadership, failing democratic reforms, and fraudulent electoral voting processes. All of Haiti’s presidents had interests in pursuing power and gaining riches for themselves only, and cared less about the poverty and violence persisting in the country. The competition for political power created tension among political parties and splitting them into more parties, increasing the instability in Haiti’s political system. The electoral process usually represented unfairness and violence. It was very common for re-elections to occur. During re-elections, Haitians would lose interest in voting, causing the outcome of voters to decrease. In the 2005 presidential election, Buss claimed that “ballots with Preval’s name marked on them were found in a garbage heap, local polling places lost tally sheets with certified election results, and the Provisional Electoral Council allowed 85,000 blank ballots to be counted…” (Buss 43). All these factors contribute to the lacking political unity that Haiti needs in order to flourish as an independent nation.

 Aid tying which was imposed by the US in the donation of foreign food products caused more harm then good. Aid tying is a form of foreign aid which requires recipients to buy goods or services from donors. Aid tying in Haiti was meant to provide low cost good and provide competition for a free market society, however the US had not planned on the cost and cheapness of foreign goods undercutting Haitian goods. These goods were disastrous to the Haitian Agricultural community as foreign good own costed 70 percent less than local goods (Hallward 70). Farmers gained little incentives to return to their fields and continue working as the agricultural market in Haiti plummeted to an all time low (Carter). In recent times Haiti now imports over 60 percent of the food need for its survival.

What did I learn through my research of Haiti? I learned that modern Haiti is the byproduct of failed foreign intervention and constant political disunity among its populace. The foreign intervention imposed upon Haiti by the United States ultimately resulted in the failure of the Haitian agricultural industry and the loss of thousands of jobs due to the privatization of several public sectors. Likewise, the various degrees of corruption that occur within the governing powers of Haiti have kept the nation impoverished and in continual civil unrest. The question that arises after examining the current situation in Haiti is how to put the nation onto a path of stability and self-sufficiency. First and foremost, the objective to stabilizing Haiti is to somehow establish a reliable, non-corrupt government that will provide care and support for its citizens. If such governance can be created in Haiti, then the foreign aid being sent by nations such as the US will (hopefully) reach the peoples and areas in need of support. Over time, the nation of Haiti can hopefully establish itself as a strong and independent country.

 Annotated bibliography

Buss, Terry F. and Garner, Adam. Haiti In The Balance, Why Foreign Aid Has Failed And What We Can Do About it. Washington D.C: Brookings institution Press, 2008. Haiti has received over four billion dollars in US aide to date, however despite receiving all this aide Haiti still remains one of the poorest countries in the western hemisphere. U.S. aid in Haiti so far has failed to bring about the economic change that was intended to uplift it. This book will provide the key information to how this aide has failed and hypothetical places in which the aide may be diverted or prevented from reaching the larger audience.

Wilentz, Amy. The Rainy Season: Haiti since Duvalier. New York: Simon and Schuster Press, <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">1989. <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">This book gives a journalistic perspective of what occurs in Haiti in post Duvalieristic Haiti. It provides insight into the complex interact of a transitional era in Haiti which different groups were via for control. These groups represented different social sphere one being the military, another being social elites and foreign companies, and the third grass-roots movements. This book is valuable because it provides firsthand accounts of a critical time in Haiti.

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Hallward, Peter.Damming The Flood: Haiti, Aristide, and the Politics of containment. New York: <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Verso Press, 2007 <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Damming the Flood is critical book in understanding Haitian politics from 1989-2006. This book is important because it follows one of the most active and popular political groups in Haiti over the last ten years, Lavalas. Hallward also documents US negotiations with lavalas and economic shifts that occurred in Haiti during those years.

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Watkins, Tate. "Haiti Doesn't Need Foreign-aid Money. It Needs A Better <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Development Strategy.; Haiti Needs A Development Strategy That Supports The Private Sector, Attracts Foreign Investment, And Empowers The Country - Not More Foreign Aid.” The Christian Science Monitor. April 21, 2010Lexis-Nexus. Web. November 2, 2010.. <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Watkins argues in this article that Haiti does not need more foreign aid, but rather a new strategy to make progress in the country. Haiti needs a strategy that will lure international markets and financing.

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Carter, Tom. “Report Says U.S. Aid Agency Fosters Dependence In Haiti; Official Denies <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Group's Charge That Policies Increase Hunger.” The Washington Times. February 13, 1997. Lexis-Nexus. Web. November 2, 2010. <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">In this article, Carter writes on U.S. aid agencies do not actually help Haiti, but instead creates more dependency on the U.S. and undermines democracy. In this article, it is mentioned that U.S. aid should not be cut off in Haiti, but the U.S. does need a reform in foreign policies to help Haiti make progress.

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Worthington, Peter. “Without Its Brightest; Brain Drain Greatest Threat To Haiti's Recovery.” <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">The Toronto Sun. February 1, 2010. Lexis-Nexus. Web. November 2, 2010. <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">In this article, Worthington recognizes that Haiti has not made progress even though the country receives billions of dollars from foreign countries. Worthington believes that Haiti has not made any progress, because Haitians with the “brains” leave the country and use their skills elsewhere, when Haiti could really use them to lead the country.

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Warah, Rasna. “Why Haiti Should Beware Professional Do-Gooders [Opinion].” The Nation. <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">January 31, 2010.lexis-Nexus. Web. November 2, 2010. <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">In this article, Rasna discusses about Haiti having a large number of non-governmental organizations, but NGOs have not made an impact on the country. Rather than improving conditions, NGOs make it more difficult for Haiti to establish itself as an independent country.

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Nichols, Michelle. “EU And U.S. Relief Groups Earmark $2.7B For Haiti; Organizers Promise <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">Accountability For How Donated Funds Are Spent.” The Gazette (Montreal). March 27, 2010. Lexis-Nexus.Web. November 2,2010 <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">This article provides an overview of how much the European Union and U.S. are putting in Haiti after the earthquake. Both groups will commit to spend money for the better of Haiti.

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;">"Haiti:Historical Setting,."United States Library of Congress Country Studies. December 1989.Library of Congress.November 4, 2010. <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;"> Although some of this information is bias, it gives a broad overview of the independence and early history of Haiti. Also, the Library of Congress has pages of information about the political, environmental, and societal happenings of Haiti.